Blessed Unrest has ratings and reviews. Robert said: Paul Hawken’s new book, entitled Blessed Unrest: How the Largest Movement in the World Cam . “Blessed Unrest” is about a movement that no one has noticed, not even the people involved. “The movement,” as Paul Hawken calls it. The New York Times bestselling examination of the worldwide movement for social and environmental change Paul Hawken has spent more than a decade.
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Feisty Bpessed to the Editor, Is there an invisible and exceptionally life-loving political movement in our midst? Hawken was then, as now, a consultant and writer on sustainable business practices. Alas, many transformationalists agreed with him. And 25 years of conservative national politics followed. Now, finally, Hawken has put his arguments into print, in a book called Blessed Unrest: I now believe there are over one — and maybe even two — million organizations working toward ecological sustainability and social justice.
By any conventional definition, this vast collection of committed individuals does not constitute a movement. Movements have leaders and ideologies.
Paul Hawken, Blessed Unrest: A Critique
People join movements, study their tracts, and identify themselves with a group. It blesssd dispersed, inchoate, and fiercely independent. It has no manifesto or doctrine, no overriding authority to check with. It is taking shape in schoolrooms, farms, jungles, villages, companies, deserts, fisheries, slums — and yes, even fancy New York hotels.
Rather than a movement in the conventional sense, could it be an instinctive, collective response to threat? Is it atomized for reasons that are innate to its purpose? I sought a name for the movement, but none exists. I met people who wanted to structure or organize it — a difficult task, since it would easily be the most complex association of human beings ever assembled.
Many outside the movement critique it as powerless, but that assessment does not stop its untest. I have to admit that it leaves me cold though, for basically two reasons. It even has an ideology, often described as neosocialist or neopopulist. Although Hawken may not care to identify the movement, his descriptions of it place it squarely in the antiglobalist camp. Sort of the way the Sixties generation used to see the world back in the day.
At the same time, John D. Rockefeller is presented as the epitome of evil. I unrst they’ll think it says more about Hawken and his movement than about our world. It is so vague as unresf be meaningless. I have no idea what such passages mean. Perhaps they are deeply meaningful to acolytes of the movement Hawken describes; perhaps I should never have attended law school.
But how do they translate into public policy? The book is notoriously short on policy solutions. At one point we are told that a ton of social change organizations agree at the level of principles and values. If you go to a sufficiently high level of abstraction, all groups would bleswed on everything.
Politics is about getting and protecting and giving, not about constructing pretty word-pictures. A page Appendix, nearly one-third of the book, consists of pail elaborate list of issues that nonprofit groups are working on.
Blessed Unrest: How the Largest Movement in the World Came Into Being and Why No One Saw It Coming
But what in the world does the Appendix establish? That groups are busy? It hardly establishes the fact of a movement. The groups themselves are not listed.
Actually, you can discern this from the exclusion of certain issues. They are more sensitive and even more loving. It is flagrant in the epigraph from which the Blessed Unrest title is taken: There is only a queer, divine dissatisfaction, a blessed unrest that keeps us marching and makes us more alive than the others — Martha Graham to Agnes de Mille italics added – ed.
I have spent 45 years in various social change movements, and I have learned — against my fondest hopes and dreams — to distrust this rhetoric.
Some of the most unhinged groups in the Sixties used to prattle on about love. Some of the nastiest people I knew in the New Age movement were veritable founts of love and light.
Even Hitler was big on love see Prof. They fall unresf those he disagrees with politically. These organizations were prime targets to cut deals with miscreant corporations, which would enable both the company and the nonprofit to use minor corporate concessions to enhance their respective images.
In personal life, I have managed to love. In political life, I find it the wiser course to aim for respect and dignity toward all, as Robert Fuller counsels in his fine new book, Ahwken Rise: Love does not belong in the political arena.
It is not meant to be a public currency. At the same time, we cannot build a movement without umrest respect and dignity to all.
A real movement, that is. The point of a political movement is to explain bleased these things are lacking and to advance an argument about how we should adapt to the larger forces that led us here.
hawkfn All real political movements need ideologies — platforms — strategies — national leaders, even. I tried telling that to Paul Hawken 25 years ago. He sounds like a different person there. A delightful introduction to his thoughtful-but-spiritual side is Hawken, The Magic of Findhorn Here is the gist of it: Passages like these run rampant through the text: Only the Bushes and Clintons are reaping the benefits.
Generational Equity and Communitarian platforms boessed First U.